Gender Inequality in the Public Sector in Pakistan: by K. Chauhan

By K. Chauhan

As gender education is utilized more and more as a improvement strategy to gender inequality, this ebook examines gender inequality in Pakistan's public quarter and questions no matter if a unique specialise in gender education is sufficient to in attaining growth in a patriarchal institutional context.

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The focus on economic development for cultural and gender equality continues despite the optimistic gender assumptions surrounding them (Tansel 2005; Aslam 2009; Bobonis 2011; Liu 2011). These programs were more about diversifying the income sources of the rural families rather than about gender equality (Hurwitch-Macdonald 1985: 7). In effect, these programs also marginalized women further as their return on labor was less than if they had worked in agriculture, and at the same time the programs kept women out of the public space (Goetz and Gupta 1996).

191). The benefit to groups of occupational closure is that “all those in possession of a given qualification are deemed competent to provide the relevant skills and services for the rest of their professional lives” (Parkin 1979: 56). The strategies of occupational closure are “a means of mobilising male power in order to stake claims to resources and opportunities distributed via the mechanisms of the labour market” (Witz 1990: 44). ” This raises the problem in universalizing the category “women” as there is a diversity of women’s situations (Eagleton 2003: 58).

In Pakistan the income generation programs included tapping the traditional skills of women for more commercial marketing and included embroidery, sewing, handloom cotton cloth, date leaf baskets, and arts and crafts (Khan et al. 1989). Elsewhere in other developing regions, such as Africa, women were encouraged to make articles of daily use8 for sale (Stamp 1989). These programs assumed a link between income earning and the development of women as a measure of gender equality (Khan et al. 1989).

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