By Howard Friel
Throughout the lens of a cautious review of the political opinions of MIT’s Noam Chomsky and Harvard’s Alan Dershowitz—the protagonists of a Cambridge-based feud during the last 40 years—author Howard Friel chronicles an American highbrow background from the U.S. struggle in Vietnam within the Nineteen Sixties to the modern debate in regards to the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Major findings demonstrate the consistency of Chomsky’s principled help of foreign legislations, human rights, and civil liberties, and a reversal via Dershowitz from aid within the Nineteen Sixties to competition of these criminal criteria at the present time. while Chomsky has adverse competitive battle (including through the us and Israel) all through his educational profession, Dershowitz moved from opposing the struggle in Vietnam to assisting the U.S.-led struggle on terrorism, consisting of “preventive wars,” “preemptive attacks,” armed reprisals, and precise extrajudicial killings. even supposing Dershowitz as soon as hostile the Nixon administration’s attack on civil liberties, he now writes favorably a couple of “jurisprudence of the preventive state” within the usa, which might most likely legalize “preventive surveillance,” “preventive interrogations,” and “preventive detentions.”
Friel’s quantity argues Chomskyan adherence via the USA to overseas legislation and human rights would scale back the specter of terrorism and safeguard civil liberties, that the Dershowitz-backed conflict on terrorism raises the specter of terrorism and undermines civil liberties, and that the incremental yet regular transition towards a preventive kingdom threatens the everlasting suspension of civil liberties within the usa.
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Extra info for Chomsky and Dershowitz: On Endless War and the End of Civil Liberties
Racial and ethnic minority politics. 1 Because of the pronounced internal diversity and constant expansion of the population, many wonder if the term “Asian American” is recognized and has meaning among individuals of Asian descent in the United States. If yes, who among Asian Americans would adopt this term as an aspect of their self-identity and to what degree? If not, what other identities are preferred and in what ranking order? Although a number of researchers have investigated the issue of Asian ethnic identity,2 most focus on the second generation.
26 • THE POLITICS OF ASIAN AMERICANS Limitations of the Survey The margin of sampling error for the general sample in this survey is plus or minus 3 percentage points. The margin of error is higher for certain subgroups. In addition to random errors innate to a scientific survey, the representativeness of the PNAAPS may be limited by the sampling design, which may omit households with unlisted telephone numbers or persons who do not bear identifiable surnames in the targeted study areas. Samples generated with the RDD frame may not allow coverage of households located in zip codes that rank below the top ten ethnic density areas or with less than 10 percent ethnic density for a targeted Asian subgroup in each zip code.
Assimilation theory assumes that distinct ethnic groups will eventually share a common culture over time and achieve access to the social, economic, and political institutions of society. One key aspect of assimilation theory is that adaptation to the host society is linear (and one-way) across all dimensions of American life (for a good discussion of this assumption, see Rumbaut, 1997). Thus, in terms of political assimilation, as immigrants learn English and move up 20 • THE POLITICS OF ASIAN AMERICANS the socioeconomic ladder, they would also be expected to adopt an “American” identity, abandon their attachments to the country of origin, and move into the mainstream political arena.